Fair housing lawsuit Supplement to debate
I.
PLAINTIFFS’ CLAIMS UNDER THE FAIR HOUSING ACT SURVIVE
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SUMMARY JUDGMENT BECAUSE THE PLAINTIFFS HAVE STANDING AND HAVE PRODUCED RECORD EVIDENCE TO RAISE GENUINE ISSUES OF MATERIAL FACT AS TO BOTH DISPARATE IMPACT AND DISPARATE TREATMENT CLAIMS.
A.
Plaintiffs have standing to bring claims under the Fair Housing Act.
The City does not dispute that Plaintiffs have Article III standing to bring its FHA claims.2 Rather, the City attacks the Plaintiffs’ prudential standing. The test for prudential standing is whether the constitutional or statutory provision on which the claim rests properly can be understood as granting persons in the plaintiff's position a right to judicial relief. The Supreme Court has held a party need not be a member of a protected class to suffer harm from discrimination.” Oti Kaga, Inc. v. South Dakota Housing Development Authority, 342 F.3d 871, 881 (8th Cir. 2003) (internal quotations and citations omitted).
The 8th Circuit recognized “the need to construe prudential standing broadly to vindicate the rights of citizens trammeled by illegal discrimination.” Id. at 882. Oti Kaga, despite being a corporation and not a member of any protected class, was held to have prudential standing because the discrimination affected its economic interests and “permitting Oti Kaga to prosecute the discrimination claims will effectuate the purpose of the Fair Housing Act’s anti-discrimination provisions and recognize Congress’s intent under the Fair Housing Act to extend standing to the full limits of Art. III” Id. at 882.
B.
Plaintiffs have presented evidence of disparate impact due to Defendants’
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violation of the Fair Housing Act
Proof of a disparate impact claim requires a showing that a facially neutral policy has a significant adverse impact on members of a protected minority group. Oti Kaga, Inc., 342 F.3d at 883. Defendants argue that the Plaintiffs’ disparate impact claims fail because the policy at issue is not facially neutral. If that were the case, the policy would be facially discriminatory and no further analysis would be necessary. However, the analysis looks to the impact of the policy, which must be significantly adverse to members of a protected class. In the present case, the Defendants’ policy of targeting non-PHA low income housing with excessive code enforcement results in less choice in housing for the protected-class individuals seeking affordable housing because it drives private landlords who have affordable rental options out of the rental market.
Plaintiffs as a group had or have a higher percentage of people of color and disabled “protected class” in their properties. Plaintiffs were targeted – PHA was not. Plaintiffs have scattered site properties with over two times the number of Blacks occupying their privately owned units than Blacks occupying the PHA scattered site homes. Why? Maybe it is because the City cannot control the private market’s decision as to who should be allowed the freedom and privacy of a home in the inner city at affordable rates with the benefits of public transportation and community.
The City controls the number of Blacks and other minorities that can get into PHA scattered site homes by controlling the Board of Commissioners who are appointed by the Mayor and approved by the Council. The City went for further control in 2001 by making
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sure one of its senior police officials sat on the PHA board.
While Defendants using CDBG funds for code enforcement went after Plaintiffs for alleged behavior problems, the City and PHA were working together with federal funding to handle even worse behavior issues at and inside PHA properties. PHA’s problems were costing the taxpayer lots of money, yet Defendants failed to even mention “PHA” in the City’s 2002 Problem Property report where the City claimed the private market was costing the public so much money that the City was justified in cracking down on the private market.
The City had tools in place from 1995 forward for recouping its costs of police and code services but decided not to use those tools.
The City forcibly requires only the private market to bear the excessive costs of “code compliance inspections and certifications” with corresponding removal of State Building Code grandfathering protections, application of “current codes,” and resulting increase in costs to the private owners – removing those properties from the rental market for months in the short term during the “code compliance,” and forcing many owners into financial crisis, with abandonment, foreclosure, and reduction in low-income housing stock available for the 10,000 families waiting for housing.
DEFENDANTS UNDERSTOOD SIGNIFICANCE OF APPLYING CITY’S HEIGHTENED CODE TO OLDER PROPERTIES OCCUPIED DISPROPORTIONATELY BY PROTECTED CLASS
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Dawkins knew that over-zealous enforcement would lead to wholesale abandonment of properties or the inner-city.” Ex. 108 to 3rd Engel Aff., STP 0658.
Dawkins also had a full understanding of what a “code compliance” meant. Bill Cullen depo pp. 211-212, 195, 211-212. Cullen and Royce said, Dawkins knew that it involved renovation that was greater than just maintenance issues - knew it was typically a substantial renovation of an older home and would have a significant financial effect in an adverse way on home owners and rental property owners.
Despite knowledge of that the City’s higher code standard, Defendant City, Mayor Kelly, Director Dawkins and Defendant inspectors, vigorously applied that code in violation of their affirmative duty to further federal fair housing policies. This is reason alone for this Court to deny Defendants’ motion and send this case to the jury.
There are few properties in Saint Paul where a determined inspector could not find a violation of some City ordinance. City’s Chronic Problem Property Case Study, 2002, 4007.
In 2006, the City conducted a study of 2005 Truth-in-Sale of Housing inspection reports and determined that over 60% of the Reports selected showed homes that had serious violations of the City’s heightened codes.
In 2004 and 2006 through 2007, the City acquired additional housing inspection records of PHA’s rental housing stock that showed a similar high percentage of code deficiencies under City’s more stringent code standard.
Starting in 2002, under the direction of Defendants, the City applied its more stringent
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code standards to low-income rental properties in the inner city neighborhoods where a disproportionate percentage of residents were “protected class” and rent burdened under HUD definitions.
Defendants applied its more stringent code to low-income rental housing disproportionately occupied by “protected class” who also would be adversely affected by any policy of the City that displaced said “protected class” or in any other way adversely affected them, including by limited their rental choices, or through rent increases from landlords burdened with City regulatory fees such as rental registration fees, inspection fees, permit fees, excessive consumption fees, vacant building fees, forced renovation - “code compliance inspection and certification” fees, and other miscellaneous fees.
Defendants failed to provide resources they acknowledged were critical to survival of the privately owned low-income rental housing occupied disproportionately by “protected class.”
Defendants refused to work with the private rental owners and their “protected class” tenants to resolve complex social issues including domestic abuse and other behavior issues, and failed to provide financial resources and other information to meet the City’s more stringent code, including the burdensome “Code Compliance”.
Plaintiffs and other private owners of low-income rental housing occupied by a disproportionate percentage of “protected class” were adversely affected by Defendants’ application of the City’s more stringent code, including from increased City fees, renovation costs, loss of rental income from wrongfully condemnations of rental properties, and were as a
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result forced to sell or abandon their rental properties. Plaintiffs’ “protected class” tenants were disproportionately affected by Defendants’ application of the City’s code and were subject to displacement from housing and inability to located replacement housing.
RESULT WAS PREDICTABLE – ABANDONMENT OF OLDER
INNER CITY HOMES FROM CODE COMPLIANCES AND LARGE NUMBERS OF “PROTECTED CLASS” UNABLE TO FIND AFFORDABLE HOUSING
There is significant evidence of wholesale abandonment of inner city homes due to the increase in costs to own such homes to meet the City’s heightened standards. The City now has over 2,000 vacant homes compared to an average year of average 300-400. On March 31, 2003, there were 367 Vacant Buildings with Ward listed [Bates 0030167-176]; November 1, 2007 = 1466 . The City’s Mortgage Foreclosure Study in 2006 noted “foreclosed properties are or were disproportionately renter-occupied.”
The high number of vacant homes now unavailable for low-income housing, naturally results in fewer housing choices and more protected class on the waiting lists. Public Housing Director Jon Gutzmann stated that as of December 2006, there were over 6,000 households on the PHA waiting list with waits of three to five years for availability and if the Section 8 waiting list was open, there would be 10,000 households on the list. Gutzmann, 60-63.
Only one out of five people who are eligible are being provided with affordable housing. Id. Gutzmann looks at PHA’s waiting list and can see an affordable housing crisis in the City. Id.
DAWKINS’ KNEW THAT OVER-ZEALOUS ENFORCEMENT WOULD LEAD TO WHOLESALE ABANDONMENT OF PROPERTIES IN THE INNER CITY
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Dawkins, as Director of Code Enforcement, and former state representative from the inner city who focused on housing related legislation at the State Capitol from 1987 to 2002, acknowledged that “in most cities a balance has to be struck between aggressive enforcement to preserve livability and over-zealous enforcement potentially leading to wholesale abandonment of properties or the inner-city.” Ex. 108 to 3rd Engel Aff., STP 0658.
Dawkins studied the relationship between aggressive code enforcement and resulting abandonment of inner city properties: “Whether it was part of the Kitchen Cabinet discussions or the city council discussions, I don't remember. But I used the example of Baltimore where the aggressive enforcement had tipped the scale so that there was a start of abandonment of properties more than the city had hoped for in Baltimore. And I wanted to make sure everyone understood that using whatever levers or rules or policies the city has, that we need to make sure that we didn't hit a tipping point. … All I know is that I read a study that was in a journal about stepped up code enforcement in Baltimore and that it had tipped the scales so that there was more abandonment of properties than the city had thought or wanted to have happen.” Dawkins depo. pp. 159-60.
POLICY ADOPTED FOR “PROBLEM PROPERTIES”: “GET INSIDE” RENTAL PROPERITES AND CALL EVERYTHING AND CODE TO THE MAX TO FORCE EVICTION OF TENANT AND FORCE SALE BY OWNER
Dawkins states, “A problem property is best defined by simply saying: If you live next door to a problem property you know it! Constant calls to get rid of the junk, intolerable behavior by occupants and guests, etc. A problem property can be a rental property or an
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owner occupied property; it can be a commercial property or a residential property; it can be a single-family unit, a duplex or an apartment building.”
The official approved Dawkins-Kelly policy was that if landlord had one property labeled a “problem property” Defendants could target all of that landlord’s rental properties and could apply Mayor Kelly’s heightened “code to the max” and “call everything” code standard. The net effect of Dawkins’ policy was that the City was able to multiple the “code to the max” punishment to the landlord’s other properties where nnocent protected class tenants lived. One tenant misbehaved, all the tenants of the targeted landlord suffered the consequences of a now weakened landlord who was too busy fighting the City to meet the critical housing needs of protected class members.
Caty Royce provided a good example of how dangerous Dawkins really was at the helm of the City’s Code Enforcement where a disabled woman was forced from her duplex unit due to an unrelated tenant’s alleged behavior in the separate unit.. Royce, pp. 41-42.
Dawkins notes show repeated instructions to inspectors to “get inside”, “try to get inside, code to the max”; “Code to the max; “Do code to the max to help eviction”,; “Try to get to VB Cat. II for code compliance.”
NHPI Director Dawkins’ notes state, “Want to check inside”“Not many code issues on exterior. Inside is a question.”“How get inside?” “inspector is trying to get inside to see if there are interior issues.”
ALTERNATIVE TO HEAVY CODE ENFORCEMENT WAS AVAILABLE TO
MEET LEGITIMATE CODE ENFORCEMENT INTERESTS WITHOUT
DISPARATE IMPACT ON “PROTECTED CLASS” TENANTS
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Defendants had solved the way to properly handle the “problem properties” with the successful “PP 2000” program that encouraged and facilitated a working relationship with the private low-income landlords. 045077-79, “Progress Report on PP 2000 January to September, 2000”. Defendants abandoned a most successful “problem properties” program called, “PP 2000” run by the City from 1999 through 2001. 045077-79.
In fact, the City Council in January 2001, had found the “Problem Properties 2000” “program” so successful that “There are also other problem properties that should be included and the program could be expanded to include those.” Minutes, January 24, 2001, 45654-58.
The PP 2000 program was a “new approach to dealing with properties that had a history of unresolved or repeat Code violation”. Id. The main thrust of the program was to eliminate violations before they enter the formal City complaint system by getting a small group of owners to take a more business like approach to managing their properties.” Id.
The first phase of PP2000 was to identify the owners to include in the program from data in City complaint files and from other sources. Id. The PP 2000 inspectors then met with each of the owners to explain the program, how it affected them and what the City expected from them.
Jeff Hawkins, a member of the PP 2000 inspector group, stated, “the idea with PP2000 is that you communicate with the landlords and see what problems they were having so that you could formulate a better plan for compliance instead of just constant punishment for it”. Hawkins, p.18-19. “[W]e wanted to work towards compliance and towards everybody having
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a good working relationship instead of the constant enforcement, enforcement, enforcement” Id. 26-27. PP 2000 inspectors thought the City could obtain better housing stock with a cooperative relationship with owners. 27-28. PP 2000 had an overall positive effect. p. 33-34.
Due to older buildings and deterioration issues and higher costs, landlords with more properties seemed to have more difficulty. Id. 21. The landlords had cost pressure from tenant caused damage as well. Id. 23
From discussions with the PP 2000 landlords, Hawkins observed that there needed to be a balance between the costs of doing repairs on properties in relation to attempts to keep rents affordable especially with the older rental properties. Id. 22; 67-70.
According to Hawkins, PP 2000 did exactly what the City Council wanted it to do to gain compliance and have a working relationship with the landlords at that time. Id. 26. “It was an overall positive effect” as fewer complaints were coming through the system and the neighborhood people saw an improvement in the housing stock. The "working relationship with the landlords," led to the positive effect (Id. 33), “landlords were partners in this too” and “we wanted to do is communicate with the landlords” Id. 33. “[W]e listened to them, listened to their problems and then tried to work it out together. So we were more of a partnership versus I'm telling you what to do and by when.” Id. 33-34. He recalls that the program was successful with about 70 percent of the PP2000 landlords. Id. 34-35.
Steinhauser was selected by the City for PP2000. Id. 36. Hawkins recalls at least weekly if not daily communications with Steinhauser. Id. 37. Recalls dealing with Steinhauser on the lower East side of City. Id. 37.
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The relationship with Steinhauser is the only property owner Hawkins remembers from the PP2000 Program or for Code Enforcement – he says that relationship was the epitome of the program - the success. Hawkins described his working as a City code inspector and a PP2000 inspector with Steinhauser as a successful relationship and what he wanted for all those other landlords or the other ones in the 70 percent. Id. 42. Essling, 206 (Steinhauser was cooperative).
Hawkins recalls that owners informed the City that if code enforcement pushed too hard, there would be abandonment of the low-income properties. p. 81. Hawkins stated that inspectors enforced minimal property standards, not some suburban covenants or anything of that effect. 69-70
He was concerned that renovation could have an adverse impact on the tenants as the tenant may not be able to find replacement housing. p. 92. If violations were only in one unit of a multi-unit building, he would only condemn the one unit to keep the other unit occupied. p. 93.
See Dick Lippert’s memo dated 10/11/00, re PP 2000 Report, to inspectors Essling, Hawkins, Yannarelly, one page, on success of the PP 2000 program. Ex. 99 to 3rd Engel Aff., STP0408; Joel Essling Memo PP2000 no date - one page - lists Steinhauser, Vue and others; PP2000 Memo - lists 19 owners, including Steinhauser, Vues, PP2000 Memo - lists 17 owners, including Steinhauser, Vue; Also see Dick Lippert Deposition for PP 2000 topics, pages 62, 72, 73, 91, 92, 93, 94.
The City, Kelly and Dawkins abandoned the successful PP 2000 program and adopted
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a policy of confrontation with same low-income protected class landlords with heavy enforcement, excessive consumption fees, condemnations, code compliances, criminal tags, TRAs, which had a adverse impact on same landlords.
The PP 2000 Progress Report memo and related PP 2000 documents, and inspector deposition transcripts (Hawkins, etc), demonstrate that PP 2000 was a great success and would have been available to Kelly and Dawkins as an alternative to their “heavy enforcement” “code to the max” program against low-income landlords, would have improved the housing stock, and avoided the displacement of tenants, and vacant units both during City required renovations and due to long term vacancies.
C.
Plaintiffs have presented evidence of disparate treatment that violates the Fair Housing Act
A disparate treatment claim requires evidence of intent to treat members of a protected class differently than others similarly situated. “Intentional discrimination may be shown by direct or circumstantial evidence.” Duckworth v. St. Louis Metropolitan Police Dept., 491 F.3d 401, 405 (8th Cir. 2008).
In the present case, the City acknowledges that their current system of code enforcement unfairly targets people of color, acknowledges a need for change, but no action is taken. In a December 19, 2005 email message from Jane Prince, legislative aide to former council member Jay Benanav , Ms. Prince states: “the issue of how a complaint based system may unfairly target people of color is a huge one, and I’m not sure what we do to get at it. A new Mayor and Toni’s and Jay’s influence in a new administration can sure help.” Further,
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Ms. Prince discusses the issue of discrimination with a constituent when addressing the number of complaints called-in on specific properties, stating: “we’re thinking it makes sense to invite both Tyrone Terrill from the Human Rights Office, and Bob Kessler, the new LIEP/Code Enforcement director, so that they can help us think through the very real possibility that people color are targeted by the city’s complaint based system.” This statement by a City employee acknowledges that the Defendants’ code enforcement discriminated against minorities, but dismissed the discriminatory effect and took no remedial action. Moreover, the Defendants were put on notice of the discriminatory effect of their conduct, but did not correct the conduct to eliminate the discriminatory effect. From that evidence of deliberate indifference to the discriminatory effect, a reasonable fact-finder could determine that the Defendants acted with discriminatory intent.
PLAINTIFFS’ CLAIMS UNDER THE FAIR HOUSING ACT SURVIVE
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SUMMARY JUDGMENT BECAUSE THE PLAINTIFFS HAVE STANDING AND HAVE PRODUCED RECORD EVIDENCE TO RAISE GENUINE ISSUES OF MATERIAL FACT AS TO BOTH DISPARATE IMPACT AND DISPARATE TREATMENT CLAIMS.
A.
Plaintiffs have standing to bring claims under the Fair Housing Act.
The City does not dispute that Plaintiffs have Article III standing to bring its FHA claims.2 Rather, the City attacks the Plaintiffs’ prudential standing. The test for prudential standing is whether the constitutional or statutory provision on which the claim rests properly can be understood as granting persons in the plaintiff's position a right to judicial relief. The Supreme Court has held a party need not be a member of a protected class to suffer harm from discrimination.” Oti Kaga, Inc. v. South Dakota Housing Development Authority, 342 F.3d 871, 881 (8th Cir. 2003) (internal quotations and citations omitted).
The 8th Circuit recognized “the need to construe prudential standing broadly to vindicate the rights of citizens trammeled by illegal discrimination.” Id. at 882. Oti Kaga, despite being a corporation and not a member of any protected class, was held to have prudential standing because the discrimination affected its economic interests and “permitting Oti Kaga to prosecute the discrimination claims will effectuate the purpose of the Fair Housing Act’s anti-discrimination provisions and recognize Congress’s intent under the Fair Housing Act to extend standing to the full limits of Art. III” Id. at 882.
B.
Plaintiffs have presented evidence of disparate impact due to Defendants’
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violation of the Fair Housing Act
Proof of a disparate impact claim requires a showing that a facially neutral policy has a significant adverse impact on members of a protected minority group. Oti Kaga, Inc., 342 F.3d at 883. Defendants argue that the Plaintiffs’ disparate impact claims fail because the policy at issue is not facially neutral. If that were the case, the policy would be facially discriminatory and no further analysis would be necessary. However, the analysis looks to the impact of the policy, which must be significantly adverse to members of a protected class. In the present case, the Defendants’ policy of targeting non-PHA low income housing with excessive code enforcement results in less choice in housing for the protected-class individuals seeking affordable housing because it drives private landlords who have affordable rental options out of the rental market.
Plaintiffs as a group had or have a higher percentage of people of color and disabled “protected class” in their properties. Plaintiffs were targeted – PHA was not. Plaintiffs have scattered site properties with over two times the number of Blacks occupying their privately owned units than Blacks occupying the PHA scattered site homes. Why? Maybe it is because the City cannot control the private market’s decision as to who should be allowed the freedom and privacy of a home in the inner city at affordable rates with the benefits of public transportation and community.
The City controls the number of Blacks and other minorities that can get into PHA scattered site homes by controlling the Board of Commissioners who are appointed by the Mayor and approved by the Council. The City went for further control in 2001 by making
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sure one of its senior police officials sat on the PHA board.
While Defendants using CDBG funds for code enforcement went after Plaintiffs for alleged behavior problems, the City and PHA were working together with federal funding to handle even worse behavior issues at and inside PHA properties. PHA’s problems were costing the taxpayer lots of money, yet Defendants failed to even mention “PHA” in the City’s 2002 Problem Property report where the City claimed the private market was costing the public so much money that the City was justified in cracking down on the private market.
The City had tools in place from 1995 forward for recouping its costs of police and code services but decided not to use those tools.
The City forcibly requires only the private market to bear the excessive costs of “code compliance inspections and certifications” with corresponding removal of State Building Code grandfathering protections, application of “current codes,” and resulting increase in costs to the private owners – removing those properties from the rental market for months in the short term during the “code compliance,” and forcing many owners into financial crisis, with abandonment, foreclosure, and reduction in low-income housing stock available for the 10,000 families waiting for housing.
DEFENDANTS UNDERSTOOD SIGNIFICANCE OF APPLYING CITY’S HEIGHTENED CODE TO OLDER PROPERTIES OCCUPIED DISPROPORTIONATELY BY PROTECTED CLASS
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Dawkins knew that over-zealous enforcement would lead to wholesale abandonment of properties or the inner-city.” Ex. 108 to 3rd Engel Aff., STP 0658.
Dawkins also had a full understanding of what a “code compliance” meant. Bill Cullen depo pp. 211-212, 195, 211-212. Cullen and Royce said, Dawkins knew that it involved renovation that was greater than just maintenance issues - knew it was typically a substantial renovation of an older home and would have a significant financial effect in an adverse way on home owners and rental property owners.
Despite knowledge of that the City’s higher code standard, Defendant City, Mayor Kelly, Director Dawkins and Defendant inspectors, vigorously applied that code in violation of their affirmative duty to further federal fair housing policies. This is reason alone for this Court to deny Defendants’ motion and send this case to the jury.
There are few properties in Saint Paul where a determined inspector could not find a violation of some City ordinance. City’s Chronic Problem Property Case Study, 2002, 4007.
In 2006, the City conducted a study of 2005 Truth-in-Sale of Housing inspection reports and determined that over 60% of the Reports selected showed homes that had serious violations of the City’s heightened codes.
In 2004 and 2006 through 2007, the City acquired additional housing inspection records of PHA’s rental housing stock that showed a similar high percentage of code deficiencies under City’s more stringent code standard.
Starting in 2002, under the direction of Defendants, the City applied its more stringent
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code standards to low-income rental properties in the inner city neighborhoods where a disproportionate percentage of residents were “protected class” and rent burdened under HUD definitions.
Defendants applied its more stringent code to low-income rental housing disproportionately occupied by “protected class” who also would be adversely affected by any policy of the City that displaced said “protected class” or in any other way adversely affected them, including by limited their rental choices, or through rent increases from landlords burdened with City regulatory fees such as rental registration fees, inspection fees, permit fees, excessive consumption fees, vacant building fees, forced renovation - “code compliance inspection and certification” fees, and other miscellaneous fees.
Defendants failed to provide resources they acknowledged were critical to survival of the privately owned low-income rental housing occupied disproportionately by “protected class.”
Defendants refused to work with the private rental owners and their “protected class” tenants to resolve complex social issues including domestic abuse and other behavior issues, and failed to provide financial resources and other information to meet the City’s more stringent code, including the burdensome “Code Compliance”.
Plaintiffs and other private owners of low-income rental housing occupied by a disproportionate percentage of “protected class” were adversely affected by Defendants’ application of the City’s more stringent code, including from increased City fees, renovation costs, loss of rental income from wrongfully condemnations of rental properties, and were as a
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result forced to sell or abandon their rental properties. Plaintiffs’ “protected class” tenants were disproportionately affected by Defendants’ application of the City’s code and were subject to displacement from housing and inability to located replacement housing.
RESULT WAS PREDICTABLE – ABANDONMENT OF OLDER
INNER CITY HOMES FROM CODE COMPLIANCES AND LARGE NUMBERS OF “PROTECTED CLASS” UNABLE TO FIND AFFORDABLE HOUSING
There is significant evidence of wholesale abandonment of inner city homes due to the increase in costs to own such homes to meet the City’s heightened standards. The City now has over 2,000 vacant homes compared to an average year of average 300-400. On March 31, 2003, there were 367 Vacant Buildings with Ward listed [Bates 0030167-176]; November 1, 2007 = 1466 . The City’s Mortgage Foreclosure Study in 2006 noted “foreclosed properties are or were disproportionately renter-occupied.”
The high number of vacant homes now unavailable for low-income housing, naturally results in fewer housing choices and more protected class on the waiting lists. Public Housing Director Jon Gutzmann stated that as of December 2006, there were over 6,000 households on the PHA waiting list with waits of three to five years for availability and if the Section 8 waiting list was open, there would be 10,000 households on the list. Gutzmann, 60-63.
Only one out of five people who are eligible are being provided with affordable housing. Id. Gutzmann looks at PHA’s waiting list and can see an affordable housing crisis in the City. Id.
DAWKINS’ KNEW THAT OVER-ZEALOUS ENFORCEMENT WOULD LEAD TO WHOLESALE ABANDONMENT OF PROPERTIES IN THE INNER CITY
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Dawkins, as Director of Code Enforcement, and former state representative from the inner city who focused on housing related legislation at the State Capitol from 1987 to 2002, acknowledged that “in most cities a balance has to be struck between aggressive enforcement to preserve livability and over-zealous enforcement potentially leading to wholesale abandonment of properties or the inner-city.” Ex. 108 to 3rd Engel Aff., STP 0658.
Dawkins studied the relationship between aggressive code enforcement and resulting abandonment of inner city properties: “Whether it was part of the Kitchen Cabinet discussions or the city council discussions, I don't remember. But I used the example of Baltimore where the aggressive enforcement had tipped the scale so that there was a start of abandonment of properties more than the city had hoped for in Baltimore. And I wanted to make sure everyone understood that using whatever levers or rules or policies the city has, that we need to make sure that we didn't hit a tipping point. … All I know is that I read a study that was in a journal about stepped up code enforcement in Baltimore and that it had tipped the scales so that there was more abandonment of properties than the city had thought or wanted to have happen.” Dawkins depo. pp. 159-60.
POLICY ADOPTED FOR “PROBLEM PROPERTIES”: “GET INSIDE” RENTAL PROPERITES AND CALL EVERYTHING AND CODE TO THE MAX TO FORCE EVICTION OF TENANT AND FORCE SALE BY OWNER
Dawkins states, “A problem property is best defined by simply saying: If you live next door to a problem property you know it! Constant calls to get rid of the junk, intolerable behavior by occupants and guests, etc. A problem property can be a rental property or an
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owner occupied property; it can be a commercial property or a residential property; it can be a single-family unit, a duplex or an apartment building.”
The official approved Dawkins-Kelly policy was that if landlord had one property labeled a “problem property” Defendants could target all of that landlord’s rental properties and could apply Mayor Kelly’s heightened “code to the max” and “call everything” code standard. The net effect of Dawkins’ policy was that the City was able to multiple the “code to the max” punishment to the landlord’s other properties where nnocent protected class tenants lived. One tenant misbehaved, all the tenants of the targeted landlord suffered the consequences of a now weakened landlord who was too busy fighting the City to meet the critical housing needs of protected class members.
Caty Royce provided a good example of how dangerous Dawkins really was at the helm of the City’s Code Enforcement where a disabled woman was forced from her duplex unit due to an unrelated tenant’s alleged behavior in the separate unit.. Royce, pp. 41-42.
Dawkins notes show repeated instructions to inspectors to “get inside”, “try to get inside, code to the max”; “Code to the max; “Do code to the max to help eviction”,; “Try to get to VB Cat. II for code compliance.”
NHPI Director Dawkins’ notes state, “Want to check inside”“Not many code issues on exterior. Inside is a question.”“How get inside?” “inspector is trying to get inside to see if there are interior issues.”
ALTERNATIVE TO HEAVY CODE ENFORCEMENT WAS AVAILABLE TO
MEET LEGITIMATE CODE ENFORCEMENT INTERESTS WITHOUT
DISPARATE IMPACT ON “PROTECTED CLASS” TENANTS
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Defendants had solved the way to properly handle the “problem properties” with the successful “PP 2000” program that encouraged and facilitated a working relationship with the private low-income landlords. 045077-79, “Progress Report on PP 2000 January to September, 2000”. Defendants abandoned a most successful “problem properties” program called, “PP 2000” run by the City from 1999 through 2001. 045077-79.
In fact, the City Council in January 2001, had found the “Problem Properties 2000” “program” so successful that “There are also other problem properties that should be included and the program could be expanded to include those.” Minutes, January 24, 2001, 45654-58.
The PP 2000 program was a “new approach to dealing with properties that had a history of unresolved or repeat Code violation”. Id. The main thrust of the program was to eliminate violations before they enter the formal City complaint system by getting a small group of owners to take a more business like approach to managing their properties.” Id.
The first phase of PP2000 was to identify the owners to include in the program from data in City complaint files and from other sources. Id. The PP 2000 inspectors then met with each of the owners to explain the program, how it affected them and what the City expected from them.
Jeff Hawkins, a member of the PP 2000 inspector group, stated, “the idea with PP2000 is that you communicate with the landlords and see what problems they were having so that you could formulate a better plan for compliance instead of just constant punishment for it”. Hawkins, p.18-19. “[W]e wanted to work towards compliance and towards everybody having
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a good working relationship instead of the constant enforcement, enforcement, enforcement” Id. 26-27. PP 2000 inspectors thought the City could obtain better housing stock with a cooperative relationship with owners. 27-28. PP 2000 had an overall positive effect. p. 33-34.
Due to older buildings and deterioration issues and higher costs, landlords with more properties seemed to have more difficulty. Id. 21. The landlords had cost pressure from tenant caused damage as well. Id. 23
From discussions with the PP 2000 landlords, Hawkins observed that there needed to be a balance between the costs of doing repairs on properties in relation to attempts to keep rents affordable especially with the older rental properties. Id. 22; 67-70.
According to Hawkins, PP 2000 did exactly what the City Council wanted it to do to gain compliance and have a working relationship with the landlords at that time. Id. 26. “It was an overall positive effect” as fewer complaints were coming through the system and the neighborhood people saw an improvement in the housing stock. The "working relationship with the landlords," led to the positive effect (Id. 33), “landlords were partners in this too” and “we wanted to do is communicate with the landlords” Id. 33. “[W]e listened to them, listened to their problems and then tried to work it out together. So we were more of a partnership versus I'm telling you what to do and by when.” Id. 33-34. He recalls that the program was successful with about 70 percent of the PP2000 landlords. Id. 34-35.
Steinhauser was selected by the City for PP2000. Id. 36. Hawkins recalls at least weekly if not daily communications with Steinhauser. Id. 37. Recalls dealing with Steinhauser on the lower East side of City. Id. 37.
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The relationship with Steinhauser is the only property owner Hawkins remembers from the PP2000 Program or for Code Enforcement – he says that relationship was the epitome of the program - the success. Hawkins described his working as a City code inspector and a PP2000 inspector with Steinhauser as a successful relationship and what he wanted for all those other landlords or the other ones in the 70 percent. Id. 42. Essling, 206 (Steinhauser was cooperative).
Hawkins recalls that owners informed the City that if code enforcement pushed too hard, there would be abandonment of the low-income properties. p. 81. Hawkins stated that inspectors enforced minimal property standards, not some suburban covenants or anything of that effect. 69-70
He was concerned that renovation could have an adverse impact on the tenants as the tenant may not be able to find replacement housing. p. 92. If violations were only in one unit of a multi-unit building, he would only condemn the one unit to keep the other unit occupied. p. 93.
See Dick Lippert’s memo dated 10/11/00, re PP 2000 Report, to inspectors Essling, Hawkins, Yannarelly, one page, on success of the PP 2000 program. Ex. 99 to 3rd Engel Aff., STP0408; Joel Essling Memo PP2000 no date - one page - lists Steinhauser, Vue and others; PP2000 Memo - lists 19 owners, including Steinhauser, Vues, PP2000 Memo - lists 17 owners, including Steinhauser, Vue; Also see Dick Lippert Deposition for PP 2000 topics, pages 62, 72, 73, 91, 92, 93, 94.
The City, Kelly and Dawkins abandoned the successful PP 2000 program and adopted
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a policy of confrontation with same low-income protected class landlords with heavy enforcement, excessive consumption fees, condemnations, code compliances, criminal tags, TRAs, which had a adverse impact on same landlords.
The PP 2000 Progress Report memo and related PP 2000 documents, and inspector deposition transcripts (Hawkins, etc), demonstrate that PP 2000 was a great success and would have been available to Kelly and Dawkins as an alternative to their “heavy enforcement” “code to the max” program against low-income landlords, would have improved the housing stock, and avoided the displacement of tenants, and vacant units both during City required renovations and due to long term vacancies.
C.
Plaintiffs have presented evidence of disparate treatment that violates the Fair Housing Act
A disparate treatment claim requires evidence of intent to treat members of a protected class differently than others similarly situated. “Intentional discrimination may be shown by direct or circumstantial evidence.” Duckworth v. St. Louis Metropolitan Police Dept., 491 F.3d 401, 405 (8th Cir. 2008).
In the present case, the City acknowledges that their current system of code enforcement unfairly targets people of color, acknowledges a need for change, but no action is taken. In a December 19, 2005 email message from Jane Prince, legislative aide to former council member Jay Benanav , Ms. Prince states: “the issue of how a complaint based system may unfairly target people of color is a huge one, and I’m not sure what we do to get at it. A new Mayor and Toni’s and Jay’s influence in a new administration can sure help.” Further,
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Ms. Prince discusses the issue of discrimination with a constituent when addressing the number of complaints called-in on specific properties, stating: “we’re thinking it makes sense to invite both Tyrone Terrill from the Human Rights Office, and Bob Kessler, the new LIEP/Code Enforcement director, so that they can help us think through the very real possibility that people color are targeted by the city’s complaint based system.” This statement by a City employee acknowledges that the Defendants’ code enforcement discriminated against minorities, but dismissed the discriminatory effect and took no remedial action. Moreover, the Defendants were put on notice of the discriminatory effect of their conduct, but did not correct the conduct to eliminate the discriminatory effect. From that evidence of deliberate indifference to the discriminatory effect, a reasonable fact-finder could determine that the Defendants acted with discriminatory intent.


